This call was an encouragement to kill Algerians and was immediately understood as such. Il n'y aura donc pas de cyclistes nus dans les rues de Paris. There was almost no media coverage at the time. The authors remained anonymous until the late 1990s although Maurice Papon tried to discover them.

For other incidents, including the Charlie Hebdo attack and the November 2015 attacks, see, Papon appointed head of Police Prefecture (March 1958), Creation of the CIV and the FPA militia (1959–1960). [2], Forty years after the massacre, on 17 October 2001, Bertrand Delanoë, the Socialist Mayor of Paris, put up a plaque in remembrance of the massacre on the Pont Saint-Michel. Papon subsequently filed a lawsuit in February 1999, a courtsuit against him, because of this sentence, alleging defamation of a public servant. Police records show that he called for officers in one station to be "subversive" in quelling the demonstrations, and assured them protection from prosecution if they participated. Despite these raids, 4,000 to 5,000 people succeeded in demonstrating peacefully on the Grands Boulevards from République to Opéra, without incident. It stated that Einaudi had "defamed" Papon, but that Einaudi had acted on "good faith", and praised the "seriousness and quality" of Einaudi's research. The events surrounding the massacre and its death toll were largely unknown for decades. They are known among the city police. Votre responsabilité personnelle est engagée et les structures organisatrices se désengagent de toute acte contraire ». On 8 February 1962, another demonstration against the OAS, which had been prohibited by the state, was repressed at Charonne metro station (Affaire de la station de métro Charonne).

Cette manifestation autorisée à Rennes (ndlr : la manifestation a été interdite à Lyon en raison du passage du Tour de France) devait consister selon les organisateurs « en une circulation, festive, familiale et pacifique à vélo, rollers, skateboard ou trottinette ». According to Le Monde in 1997, which quoted the director of the Paris Archives, the register listed 90 persons by the second half of October. [12] A former member of the FTP resistance, reporter Madeleine Rifaud wrote in L'Humanité: In the past two days, a racist concentration camp has been opened in Paris.

Forced disappearances took place. [20] Following historian Jean-Luc Einaudi's testimony during the Papon trial in the late-1990s, left-wing police Minister Jean-Pierre Chevènement ordered the opening of parts of the archives. La vente de vêtements sur un marché provoque la colère d'une commerçante, Abonnez-vous pour lire le journal PDF en illimité. [citation needed], Forty years after the massacre, in 2001, the event was officially acknowledged by the city of Paris with the placement and unveiling of a memorial plaque near the Pont Saint-Michel.

[3][4] How many demonstrators were killed is still unclear. [8][9] On 13 March 1958, 7,000 policemen demonstrated in the courtyard of the police headquarters against delays in the "risque prime" accorded to them because of the war, although the FLN had not yet begun to target police officers. During the whole of September, the Algerian population was severely repressed. Il n'y aura donc pas de cyclistes nus dans les rues de Paris. More than 5,000 Algerians were detained in the former Beaujon hospital, in the Japy gymnasium (11th Arrondissement) and in the Vél'd'Hiv. The funerals on 13 February 1962 of the nine persons killed (among them, Fanny Dewerpe, mother of French historian Alain Dewerpe [fr]) were attended by hundreds of thousands of people. Algerians were thrown into and drowned in the Seine at points across the city and its suburbs, most notably at the Pont Saint-Michel in the center of Paris and near the Prefecture of Police, very close to Notre Dame de Paris. See Jean-Luc Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus, 2001, pp.73–74 for 25 August 1958 FLN offensive; the detention of 5,000 Algerians; Jean-Luc Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus, 2001, p.74, Jean-Luc Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus, 2001, p.75, Quoted by Einaudi, pp.309-311. [3][4] This resulted from work by the Socialist Party local government.

This special constabulary force, under the authority of the Algerian Affairs Coordination Center of the Prefecture of Police (Centre de coordination des Affaires algériennes de la préfecture de police) and supervised by the military, was under Papon's control. [35], "Paris massacre" redirects here. [23], In a 2001 article in Esprit, Paul Thibaud discussed the controversy between Jean-Luc Einaudi, who spoke of 200 killed on 17 October, and 325 killed by the police during the autumn of 1961, and Jean-Paul Brunet, who gave an estimate of only 50 (and 160 dead, possible homicide victims, who passed through the IML medico-legal institute during the four months between September and December 1961). The result of the massacre may be estimated to at least 200 dead.[19].

In February 1999, its main author, Emile Portzer, former member of the National Front resistance organization during the war, testified in favor of historian Jean-Luc Einaudi during the trial that Papon had launched against him (later won by Einaudi).

On 5 October 1961, the Prefecture of Police announced in a press statement the introduction of a curfew from 8.30 p.m. to 5.30 a.m. in Paris and its suburbs for "Algerian Muslim workers", "French Muslims" and "French Muslims of Algeria" (all three terms used by Papon, although the approximately 150,000 Algerians living at the time in Paris were officially considered French and possessed a French identity card). All the Algerians captured in this huge trap were knocked out and systematically thrown in the Seine. See a transcript of the original text on, Learn how and when to remove this template message, "Le 17 octobre 1961, la réalité d'un massacre face à un mensonge d'Etat", "Une station de métro " 17 Octobre 1961 " ?

Moreover, police officers who had been members of the Resistance might well have taken part in the various raids against Jews and other persecuted groups during the Vichy regime, as otherwise they would have been dismissed, according to Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus. These events remained unknown in part because they were overshadowed in the French media by the Charonne Metro Station massacre on 8 February 1962 whose victims were not only Algerians, but also French members of the French Communist Party. In addition, if [former Socialist Prime minister] Lionel Jospin personally expressed himself last year [in 2000] by speaking of "tragic events", neither the police's responsibility in the crime nor that of those politically responsible at the time have been clearly established, much less officially condemned. "These bombings had the effect of spreading fear throughout the ranks of the Paris police, but also for increasing the desire for revenge and hate against the whole of the community. Official documentation and eyewitness accounts within the Paris police department suggest that Papon directed the massacre himself. The vast majority of police officers suspended after the Liberation of Paris in 1944 for extreme forms of collaborationism (including assistance to the Parti Populaire Français and similar groups) were later reintegrated into the police forces.